Second, it is worth congratulating Mikhaeil Saakashvili and the National
Movement of Georgia on taking the second place and getting the status of the
key opposition party with all its privileges. David Bakradze received 21.9% of
votes amid 46% voter turnover. Experts explain the high level of mobilization
of the given political group with Nino Burjanadze’s activity and calls for fair
inquiry into repressions of the National Movement representatives. This mobilization has embraced international
groups that had been directly supporting Saakashvili for 10 years. Probably,
they did not want some scandalous cases to be disclosed either.
Third, it is worth congratulating Georgy Margvelashvili who was elected
as president of Georgia with limited power, indeed. Unlike others,
Margvelashivili did not claim much. He received 62.09% of votes of the total
votes (46% turnout).
Fourth, it is worth congratulating Bidzina Ivanishivili, as he did
another big thing i.e. he “let Saakashvili go with peace,” but has legalized
the presence of his party in the political field in line with the ‘cohabitation
terms’ he signed. Hence, the cohabitation process aimed to distribute the power
between these two political groups from the very beginning. It was a kind of
‘separatist peace.’
Fifth, it is worth congratulating Nino Burjanadze, who did not become
either the president or the major opposition forces, but disclaimed all
responsibility for the political processes which she would not be able to
change even if she defeated the above two gentlemen. She received only 10.06%
of the total votes. Nevertheless, she is still the leader in the
non-parliamentary opposition and can consider herself as the key opposition
force with regard to the ‘cohabitants’ at the next elections to the local
self-government and parliament of Georgia.
On the other hand, it is worth mentioning that Georgian Dream has
maintained its strong positions in the political spectrum creating an image of
a political stabilizer between the two poles: National Movement with its open
revenge goals and Democratic Movement comprising the citizens repressed by
Saakashvili’s regime.
Another important fact that is worth mentioning: 56% of the population
did not vote for different reasons. This means that the voting outcome is
insufficiently legitimate. Part of the voters did not vote on a voluntary basis
(for various motives). Another part of the population had no opportunity to
reach their polling stations (mostly the guest workers from Georgia’s provinces
in Tbilisi). Others could not vote due to violation of their political rights,
something that no international organization will mention in its report. These
are the people living in the occupied territories and Georgian Diaspora whose
rights are rather obscure.
Consequently, a relatively stable (from the viewpoints of tactics) political
system with restricted democracy has been created adequately to the demands of
most internal and external actors. From the viewpoint of statistics, that
system is rather shaky and vulnerable.
Today, Georgia has faced a new intrigue: who will come to replace Prime
Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili, who is leaving on his own will after he came from
Diaspora, established order in the country as he thought fit, and now leaves
mechanisms of control over the situation.
Author: Director of Caucasus Institute for Regional Stability